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Reading Notes: The Irrelevance of Equilibrium Economics – Kaldor

Reading Notes on: Nicholas Kaldor, The Irrelevance of Equilibrium Economics, in Further Essays on Economic Theory, Holmes & Meier, 1972.

Equilibrium Economics, as embodied by Walras and Debreu (where equilibria of competing forces determine observed economic states), is “barren and irrelevant.”

Assumptions of economics, unlike hard sciences, are not based on observation. For example, some are unverifiable: producers maximize their profits, consumers maximize utility. Some are counter-factual: perfect competition never exists, markets are not impersonal, economic actors never act from perfect knowledge.

Equilibrium economics wasn’t intended to describe reality, but it is often asserted as the description of how individuals act in a decentralized market to maximal outcomes. Neoclassical economics takes this view as the axiomatic starting point for all other theories.

This sort of economic theory started as a first-draft approach that was buttressed by intellectual scaffolding (“assume perfect competition for now… we’ll deal with the real world when we understand the theory better…”), but instead of removing such unrealistic scaffolding, more and more was added, such that now, economics is even more divorced from the real world than ever before-more filled with arbitrary assumptions than previously-in order to satisfy the modern demand for logical cohesion.

“In fact, equilibrium theory has reached the stage where the pure theorist has successfully (though perhaps inadvertently) demonstrated that the main implications of this theory cannot possibly hold in reality, but has not yet managed to pass his message down the line to the textbook writer and to the classroom.”

… To be Continued …

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Value and Distribution in the Classical Economists and Marx – Garegnani

Reading Notes on Value and Distribution in the Classical Economists and Marx - by P. Garegnani, Oxford Economic Papers 26, 1984, 291-325.

Theories of value and distribution that seek to explain distribution and prices by means of price equilibrium between the forces of supply and demand.  Keynes refuted the idea that a competitive economy tends toward an equilibrium between the supply and demand of labor, creating an equilibrium wage.  

Another refuted idea (by Sraffa and Robinson) is that factors of production can be measured independently of distribution, challenging assumptions that distribution is governed by supply and demand of said factors.

The classical surplus theory, as expressed by Quesnay, states that the (agricultural) produce beyond what is required to pay the wages of the laborers and provide for the next year’s crop are social surplus and available to the society to dispose of without jeopardizing social survival.  Production and distribution are linked because the subsistence of the laborer is required for production and reproduction.  Smith extended Quesnay’s surplus to apply to all production, not just agricultural production, making profit the equivalent of social surplus.

Thus, the surplus is the share of the product going to non-laborer classes of society.  Wages are determined by the habits of the country as the assign what constitutes subsistence.  Ricardo argued that any rise in the wages of agricultural laborers would be absorbed by an increase in population or that the new standard of living would become permanently expected.

Adam Smith described the relationship of workmen and masters in wage disputes as unequal: masters can hold out longer in such disputes than workers as workers have a more immediate need for the masters than the masters have for the worker.  Smith saw this as keeping the average wage reluctant to rise.  Marx extended this idea to relating the average wage to the current pool of un/under-employed laborers willing to work for the lower wage.  

The common view among these economists is that the wage is governed not so much by social levels of subsistence, but rather from the institutional circumstances unrelated to social production and therefore ought to be studied separately.

(To be continued…)

 

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Egalitarian Societies – James Woodburn

Reading notes for Egalitarian Societies by James Woodburn, University of London.

  • Egalitarianism is an enforced equality
  • Individual ownership leads to greater wealth and wealth inequality
  • Only Hunter-Gatherer societies permit realized egality, though non-hunter-gatherer societies may attempt it
  • Hunter-Gatherer societies are bifurcated into Immediate Return and Delayed Return organization.  
    • Immediate Return societies use low-labor, high-skill tools and consume what is hunted or gathered nearly immediately with no complex food storage processes or structures
    • Delayed Return societies use limited-access, high-labor tools and have involved food-storage processes or structures, delaying the use of produce.
    • Most human societies are Delayed-Return societies

Systems and operations that give rise to Egality in Instant-Return Hunter-Gatherer Societies:

  • Mobility and Flexibility 
    • Inter-camp movement is permitted with no economic penalty
    • Movement between camps is more than just ecologically-motivated.  It can be a means of escape of inequality and a leveling mechanism
    • Free movement reduces conflict and subverts the accumulation of wealth or authority
  • Equal Access to Means of Coercion
    • Each (male) member has equal access to weapons and tools for hunting which can and are also used for assassination or coercion 
    • Accumulation of wealth is thwarted by the threat of envy
    • Provides universal, immediate, and direct access to social control, as opposed to social control institutions which dispense social control on behalf of an individual.
  • Equal Access to Resources
    • Access to resources hunted, gathered, or immediately available is universal and equal
    • No member may withhold resources in equal share from any newcomer to the group
    • Ownership is discouraged as it leads to permanent associations which reduce equality
    • Boundaries necessarily lead to material inequality as resources move from one area to another or are depleted in one area over time.  Boundary-less occupation of the land reduces this source of inequality.
  • Sharing
    • Boasting on the return of a hunt is discouraged.  The hunter is denied first-access to their kill to actively prevent a sense of privileged access to the resources
    • Societal values reinforce equality
    • Transactions are not forms of reciprocal exchange, but rather a form of taxation where the incomes of the successful are redistributed by the society.
  • Sanctions on Accumulation of Personal Possessions
    • Above the requirement of a nomadic existence, even the accumulation of small, easily transported possessions is discouraged
  • Fluid Transmission of Property Among Individuals
    • Mechanisms exists to fluidly circulated property among individuals rather than allowing specific people to accumulate specific property
    • The Hadza use a gambling game with randomized outcomes to redistribute valuable property among members.  
    • Winners are encouraged to gamble away proceeds and garnered items are expected to be exchanged in future gambling games.
    • This mechanism of exchange ensures that items available only in a particular place are semi-randomly distributed throughout the society.
    • In societies with non-random, formal exchange mechanisms, no individual is dependent on any specific other individual for subsistence.  
    • The inherent abundance and equality of distribution of wealth leads to very low values for goods, ensuring equality of access and discouraging accumulation

Other Notes:

  • Equality arises from disengaging people from property and from the potential of accumulation to create dependency
  • Equal, but not Egalitarian societies often exhibit competitive equality, where the individual must compete with others to maintain equal status.  Egalitarian societies assert an automatic entitlement which guarantees equality despite comparative advantage.
  • Since Egality relies on discouraging accumulation, a transition to agriculture is difficult as agricultural production requires accumulation.  
Pre-Capitalist Economic Formations – Marx

Right now I’m reading  Pre-Capitalist Economic Formations by Karl Marx.  These are my insights and notes.

The Process Which Precedes the Formation of the Capital Relation or of Original Accumulation

  • The purpose of capitalist labor is to create value.  The purpose of pre-capitalist labor is to produce sustenance for the individual and the community.
  • This idea of the individual as a worker divorced from the land and the means of sustenance except by commoditized labor is an artificial product of history.
  • In pre-capitalist societies, the individual regards himself as an owner of property only in so far as he regards himself as a member of the community
    • Property ownership–”the relationship of the individual to the natural conditions of labor and reproduction”–is granted by membership and unity with the community
  • Cities arise from villages when the location and geography are favorable to external trade.  The head of state exchanges the surplus of labor.
  • Cities are owners of the surrounding supportive farm land in the same relationship as despots to labor.  Villages are appendages of the supporting land in the same relationship as the pre-capitalist laborer to the community.
  • War is required for the perpetuation of non-transient occupation of land by a particular group and the society is naturally organized into military-like relationships.  War reinforces territorial notions and individual ownership of property.
  • Private land ownership arrises as a result of validating membership in the community by acceptable maintenance and use of said property.  The individual is a member of the community by virtue of being in possession of land ultimately in the community’s possession.  
    • “Property formally belongs to the Roman citizen, the private owner of land is such only by virtue of being Roman, but any Roman is also a private landowner.”
    • The Germanic model consists of only communal property with private possession.
  • “Ancient classical history is a history of cities,” as seats of land ownership and agriculture. Asian history is a history of town and country without differentiation.  The Middle Ages see history as the history of the countryside in opposition to the town.  ”Modern history is the urbanization of the countryside.”

Notebook V, Chapter on Capital (continued)

  • A city is more than the composition of individual colocations.  The whole is a new entity, not the sum of its parts.  
    • In the Germanic model, the rural community is an association of members, more than a series of mere unions.  Membership involves shared language, history, etc.  The community is geographically sparse and therefore has no existence as a state, since it has no existence as a city.
    • In the Roman model, the community exists in the city, apart from colocation, in the polity.
  • Individual households represent an entire micro-economy, having production (usually by women in domestic labor).  
    • In classical antiquity, the city is composed of many household economies occupying the territory attached thereto.
    • In the Germanic model, the individual home is independent from one another.  Land ownership is not a form of citizenship, but rather shared language, culture, history, etc is. 
    • In the Asian model, with only community property and private possession, the community is the individual economic unit. Citizenship is not a form of ownership.
    • In the Roman model, private landed property is mediated through state landed property, making private land owners citizens and members of the state owned property.
  • Two elements are common to each of these land-worker-community relationships:
    • Appropriation of land - Appropriation of land is a precondition for labor.  The worker’s reproduction is a natural consequence of laboring on appropriated land.  
    • Attitude to the land - Man is more than a laborer.  His separate, independent existence is antecedent to the role of a laborer, even though the role as laborer is a necessary consequence of this existence.  One aspect of this land-independent existence is community membership.
    • Isolated individuals cannot possess land, but merely subsist off it.  
    • Land as property exists only through mediation of a community.
    • Community is formed by the contract in which men are cast as laborers through the appropriation of land.

… More to come…

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